![]() ![]() Then, I will point to a notable tension, immanent to Habermas new reflections, between, on the one hand, the normative goal of communicative learning and development and, on the other hand, his affirmation of “editorial tutelage.” This tension, I think, presses to repose the question of ideology again that Habermas has removed from and at best locates outside the public sphere. In this contribution, I will first, according to Habermas, briefly sketch the role of the public sphere in liberal-representative political systems and its transformation during the rise of digital communication. 1 It was therefore a great honor that he not only contributed a commentary to texts edited by Martin Seeliger and me (first in German: Habermas, 2021, then also in English: Habermas, 2022a), but even wrote an independent text, which is now also available as a book together with smaller texts (Habermas, 2022b).Īgainst this background, I was very pleased to be invited to participate in this symposium on his new book. Habermas, like few in critical social theory, is concerned with the organization and political economy of the media. The development of this possibility, but also the transformation and disintegration of the public sphere, is sociologically embedded, that is, considered in the light of changing socio-spatial frames of reference, mediatization, and political-economic developments (cf. 145) book is important in at least three respects: He develops a normative, critical concept of the public sphere and the formation of public opinion, which aims at democratizing domination, that is ties it to a process of unrestricted discussion of questions of general interest involving all those affected. This text is the ideal companion for upper undergraduate and postgraduate students of the European Union, as part of degrees in Politics, International Relations or European Studies, or for anyone interested in the crises of the European Union.As someone who works interdisciplinarily between media and communication studies and sociology with an overall interest in critical social theory, Habermas’ “most successful” (Habermas, 2022a, p. The fate of the integration process will depend on whether other, more inclusive forms of stabilizing leadership may emerge to fill the vacuum created by Berlin’s incapacity. Until now, Germany has been the EU’s stabilizing force but this is no longer guaranteed. Webber instead shows that it is only by looking at the role of the EU’s dominant member, Germany, in each crisis that the potential for an increasingly fragmented Europe becomes clear. High levels of socio-economic interdependence and institutionalization have failed to result in an ever closer union, and yet the proposed theories of disintegration also fall short. This text offers a concise and readable assessment of the dynamics, character and consequences of these four crises and the increasingly real possibility of European disintegration. The Union has been beset with high levels of Eurozone debt, Russian intervention and armed conflict in Ukraine, refugees fleeing conflict zones in North Africa and the Middle East, and the decision of Britain to leave the European Union. Observers of the European Union (EU) could be forgiven for thinking that it is in a state of permanent crisis. This new book provides a comprehensive analysis of Europe on the brink of political disintegration. ![]()
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